The new report shows that there is an absolutely winning district for economic and social progress. But the Democrats do not persecute it.

No one seems to feel good in the Democratic Party these days.
With the rating of its approval in historic minimumPanic over the Mayor of New York’s mayor, and elected officials are uncertain about how to move forward, few of the optimism against the direction headed by the Democrats.
Of course, there are reasons for anxiety. A Catholic, leading election research firm recently released its breakdown From the 2024 elections, and the results are not very good. The Democrats have not made progress, abolishing their constant loss of support for the working class. Worse, this trend is finally catching up with the non -friendly and young voters who have moved significantly to Donald Trump in November.
A New Report from the Workshop Policy Center (CWCP) and Jobin The magazine shed light on these trends and how they can be canceled. The poll is considering more than 60 years of polls to comprehensively document the developments of working class voters on various political issues. With these conclusions, we can better understand what workers want and how it contradicts the more advanced constituency of the party.
The report turns out that, although this split cannot be ignored, there is an absolutely winning district for economic and social progress – but the Democrats do not pursue it.
What we found
While the voters of the working class are not a monolith, the CWCP survey emphasizes a number of important common features in this group.
First of all, the voters of the working class are economically progressive. Seventy-five percent contributes to the increase in the minimum wage, 88 percent or the decline in government prices, and 65 percent agree that directors’ corporate councils should include workers. Interestingly, 63 percent of these voters also prefer import limits to protect jobs in the United States. This suggests that if GOP can only perform tariffs with careless ignoring, then the Democrats can promote if they are thoughtfully unfolding them, perhaps to fulfill common labor and environmental standards.
In cultural issues, the voters of the working class are on board with cornerstone stones of the progressive agenda, though not every subject. Approximately 80 percent oppose abortion prohibition, support laws that protect people from discrimination, and want to strengthen control over weapons shopping. Given this, only about half consider themselves a “choice” or support the ban on the attack. Finally, only about 10 percent of the working class voters want the state or federal government to spend less on law enforcement.
What about immigration? Though Another job He showed that the voters of the working class (and indeed Americans in general) tend to trust the Republicans more on this issue, the full story is more difficult. Approximately 70 percent against family separations, and do not believe that immigrants will accept US jobs. And 61 percent support the way to citizenship for undocumented immigrants reverse Against Biden’s border policy. (Indeed, the backlash now can go a another way.) Democratic Party tin Find the viewers for the neighborhood, but it should be ready to fight a serious messaging battle.
Of course, not all these positions share the voters of the non -working classes, which now make up a significant share of the democratic electorate. The latter, such as more liberal abortions and immigration. On the other hand, the voters of the working class have much more egalitarian views on issues such as industrial policy, social security and Medicare. Given the significant differences between the two groups, there may be a real compromise for the Democrats between the work class win and the non -working voters.
However, the report also implies that such compromises are not the whole story. This is because a large part of the working class usually agrees with democratic voters on issues, but votes for Republicans. In particular, the voters of the working class, who voted for Trump in 2020, are a tremendous 20 percent supporting higher minimum wages, increased social protection costs, increasing public school costs and a millionaires tax. From this group, approximately half adhered to moderate and liberal views on cultural problems.
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Ten percent of the Trump working class voters may not give up a huge constituency, but in the world where the presidential election will win one or two interest points, it is enough to translate the scales several times. If Democrats can formulate reliable support for such a platform, these conclusions suggest that the winning coalition will gather.
Where we go from here
A poll by the voters of the working class is again shocked by the Democratic Party is a high order. But recent successes, such as the company Zakhran Mamdani, who attracted a record youth turnout, and a fighting tour of the oligarchy Bernie Sanders, which attracted a large crowd in the country of Trump, talks about a deep, unused energy source. One of the important elements that share these initiatives is that they meet with workers where they are, “ahead of public opinion, but within reach”, as one of the democratic politicians said.
Creating broader enthusiasm for the national democratic campaign will bring serious discipline of messages. But what this report shows is that the constituency for a progressive party is waiting for it against it. An alternative is the further destruction of the republican government.
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