Trump’s authoritarian brand leaves New York real estate. As the mayor, Zohran Mammani promises to restrain the negative power of the sector. There is a fight.
Donald Trump, a real estate tycoon, poses in the lobby of his home in August 1987 in Greenwich, Connecticut.
(Joe McNali / Getti Image)
When the Trump administration unfolded the National Guard in Washington and took control of the city police, the country went into authoritarianism. After sending the National Guard to Los -Angeles, Trump claimed that the Federal DC absorption would bring law and order to the country’s capital, which he described as “one of the most dangerous cities in any place in the world.” Announcing this step, Trump emphasized his “natural instinct as a real estate man.” According to him, he, as a real estate developer, made him uniquely suited to combat the city crime and homelessness.
Trump’s knowledge of the connection between his past business practice and his approach to managing: it relies on its specific brand of despotism in the 1980s in New York. This connection is particularly important, given the coming collision of the Trump administration and the subsequent next Mayor of New York, the democratic socialist mamman, whose political obligations threaten the neoliberal compact, characterizing the political economy of the city after the fiscal crisis in the 1970s. In particular, the Mamdani housing platform aims to stop the invalid power of the New York real estate sector, the environment in which Trump rose notoriously in the late 1970s and 80s.
The fiscal crisis in New York had its roots in a number of political and economic shifts that thwarted the liberal order after the war. In the early 1970s, the next years of the white flight of the middle class in the suburbs and the major flight on the Sunbelt and Global South, New York was unable to raise enough tax revenue to maintain the financing of the social programs that made its famous social-democratic policy. At the end of 1974, against the backdrop of the global recession, institutional investors who kept New York on a afloat stopped buying municipal debt, pushing the city to insolvency. The Ford administration refused to export the city, and after a few tense months the city agreed with the state of bankruptcy.
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But the costs of this pact were steep, especially for black and brown New York working class, whose alleged prevention was often accused of crisis. In exchange for state aid, New York lost sovereignty over the key spheres of municipal government and was forced to take tough measures – thousands of municipal workers were fired, and many other frozen wages; Social services were reduced and public transport tariffs were increased. The value of ownership in the city fell, especially in the neighborhoods of the working class, where the landlords often considered it more profitable to refuse and even burn-their buildings rather than supporting them. Bronx alone averaged 40 fires per night in the mid-1970s; These fires have led to the destruction of approximately 80 percent of the South Bronx housing.
If each crisis is also an opportunity, almost bankers in New York was the opening for the elites for the discipline of a sharp working class and the reinforcement of political economy of the city along the market lines. When the dust was settled on the financial crisis, New York’s socio-democratic policy was reduced, its institutions were weakened by the rigid economy, and the interests of real estate and finance were more powerful than before. To this end, geographer Samuel Stein characterized what appeared in New York in the mid-1970s as a “real estate state”, a political economic paradigm, in which “land-tartar, and therefore all ownership is sacred and never should be called; a healthy real estate market is a measure of a healthy city;
This is a landscape in which the trump is formed. Trump began to acquire land on Manhattan in the late 1970s, immediately after the resolution of the fiscal crisis, which is formed by the richness of the wealth, which is formed by the significant possessions of his father’s real estate. Its first major development was the Trump-Veza, whose construction began in 1979 and was completed in 1983. He continued to acquire Manhattan real estate, including Lincoln West Development in 1984, and expanded the geographical mark on his portfolio with a number already known casinos in the Atlabelian city. According to A a AR New York Times The investigation since 2018, Trump’s happiness has been largely based on the combination of tax interventions, state major and unhappy regulatory supervision, all this is the richness he has collected from his childhood – in delight from his father’s activity as a real estate and landlord.
Trump’s climbing in New Estate in New York after the financial crisis was full of racism, which has long been a structural force in the real estate sector. In the federal case of 1973, which led to the agreement on the agreement, the Ministry of Justice sued Trump and his father in accordance with the law on fair housing for refusing to rent a black and Puertoanian tenant. A few years later, the government accused Trump of continuing to manage the minorized tenants to buildings that were already inhabited by people in color.
Outside of his real estate practice, Trump, obviously The New York TimesCalling the death penalty for the central park of five, a group of black and Latin American men who were arrested, and then were incorrectly convicted of rape in the Central Park. Even after the men were released, Trump did not apologize.
There is a line of Trump’s career as a real estate developer in New York to his approach to the state government. Like the elites who reworked New York as a result of close bankruptcy in the 1970s, ahead of the 2016 elections, Trump’s candidate used the legitimation crisis (with a non-human project after the financial collapse of 2008 and decades of refusal of both major political parties). Like the real estate developer, he leaned toward the elimination of expensive regulations, Trump aggressively moved to dismantle the administrative state – from sharp cuts to a number of federal agencies to reduce public benefits for poor and workers. The legislative achievement of the administration lies in the transfer of wealth up, giving large tax benefits already rich – breaks are not unlike those that the Trump family used to create their wealth of real estate. Trump has ruled heavily in accordance with the basis that was deployed during the fiscal crisis of the city and its consequences, using racism for the discipline of the working class and enhancing economic elites.
Most recently, as Trump’s federal absorption in Washington will make it clear, his approach to solving perceived urban problems lies in reflective rationalization, throwing them into the law and order phraseology, and then exceeding them. This approach comes to the focus when regarded as the necessary lower side of the state value of the state of real estate. According to philosopher Antonio Negro about the appearance of neoliberalism, the “new” ideology of Laissez-Faire stems as its consequence of expanding new methods of coercion and state intervention in society as a whole. “
It seems Trump is on a collision course with New York. It threatens the reduction of federal financing and deploy the National Guard, saying, “We will correct New York.” With Democratic Socialist, Zohran Mammani is ready to become the next mayor of the city, the real estate state, which came out of the financial crisis of the 1970s, is on a shaky ground. Mammani agitated the vision of a city that the New York of the working class can afford, with a certain freezing policy, fast and free buses, a public option for products, expanding universal children-kab to backup. Perhaps it is just as important that his democratic main victory over Andrew Quom’s competitor, summed up with more than 40,000 volunteers, was in Lisa’s Words“Direct triumph of people for money.”
In this sense, the mayor of Mammani pose a real threat to the elites who built and used the Neoliberal Order created in New Yar in the 1970s. This threatens to undermine the rigid, market ideological base, which strengthened the power of real estate at the expense of tenants and laborers with the values of property and violent police. In other words, the collision between Trump and Mammani, when he comes, will be the struggle between the competing visions of how the society needs to organize, and despite its national consequences, the fight will be clearly a matter in New York.
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When the senator arrived in New York in early September, he had a few free minutes to talk to a municipal policy and managing with one of his largest fans, Mammani.
Across the country, young candidates for democratic campaigns are conducting seemingly Mamdani-Style companies. But check the small font.
New legislation can accelerate the increasing movement of tenants who have refused to be freed to developers and want to take property to the resources of their communities.
