Democrats Keep Misreading the Working Class

Zochran Mammani won the nomination in Democratic Mary New York with most votes for the main winner in the city. The Democratic Socialist has done this with the agenda talked to the economic table, which, after the 2024 election debol, will usually admit that they should recover in the discussion. So, what was the reaction of the party leaders and the Media -Cammers? The destruction is so serious that it caused broad conversations about the “civil war” within the party. On the one hand, the line goes, younger, highly educated, pro-Palestinian progressives that cover economic populism; On the other hand, the senior democratic unwavering people who are pro -Israel, economically moderate, in accordance with the work class and carefully treated the rocking of the boat. But this is not what the numbers say.

Advisers to Hockey Minority Leader Jeffrist, who, like his colleague in the Senate, chuck Sumer, resisting Mamman’s approval after the primary-gauge wave of candidates who support the democratic-socialist as “generating the team”. However, the weekend elections show a different reality: Mammani attracted support from the wide volume of New York, conducting a company that tirelessly focuses on the work class.

Unfortunately, the best Democrats refuse to accept that Mamman’s economic populism is the key to its success. Either that a noisy tax appeal, a rich message, may go beyond the city’s progressive enclaves. Some go to Senator Michigan Ellis Slotkin, who says Democrats need to stop the demonization of rich people. But Ah Last report by The Workers’ Class Policy Center (CWCP) UPENDS Slotkin claims. Analyzing data from three long national surveys, the report has shown that over the past two decades, working class Americans have become more progressive not only for economic justice, but also about immigration and civil rights. Today’s work class is on the left than when he helped choose Barack Obama in 2008.

Why then do so many high -ranking Democrats who represent the reactionary work? Because the middle and higher classes are moving to the left at a faster pace, creating a gap in perception. As high income, voters enrolled in college occupy progressive climate change positions, LGBTC rights and other issues, voters of the working class, despite their left-wing-shift, conservative. This distorted story misleads democratic strategists and journalists.

The voters of the working class, far from inaccessible, remain ideal democratic goals, provided that the party emphasizes that economic problems with bread and masks that most resonate with them. The CWCP report confirms that the working class Americans strongly support the economically progressive policy, such as raising the minimum wage, workplace protection, social insurance, and wealthy taxation. There are nuances: voters of the middle and higher class are superior to the working class voters in the delight of progressive priorities, such as the taxation of rich and national health. And although employees prefer redistribution policy, their support is somewhat reduced when the proposals provide tax hiking or expand the federal bureaucracy.

However, the voters of the working class remain noticeably left in economic issues. Even if they adhere to moderate views on cultural problems, they will most likely support the Democrats if they submitted a convincing economic agenda – in 2026 and abroad.

To illustrate this moment, CWCP studied fans of the Trump 2020 working class, finding the electoral segment with moderate social views and progressive economic positions. More than 20 percent of these voters supported the cost of public schools and social security, higher taxes on the wealthy and higher minimum wages; About half of them also had moderate and progressive social views. In the harsh elections, even a small part of these voters can win the balance.

Democrats ignore these voters at their danger. Kamala Harris tried to attract working class voters, despite economic proposals that would improve millions of lives. The key reason was the reluctance of her company cites the volume of economic populism.

To restore a solid majority, Democrats need candidates who consistently prefer the economy. This does not mean refusing other social reasons. But this means clearly emphasizing jobs, wages, housing, health care and public services – creating these central democratic campaigns. It also means to do what Mammani did: truly meeting with the voters of the working class, where they, as economically progressive, were skeptical about the elites and impatient to material results.

Democracy poll worldwide in 1960, sociologist Seymur Martin Lipset observe What “virtually every economically developed country of the low -income group is voted mainly for the leftist parties, while groups with higher income are mostly voted for the right.” This described the Post -new voting models – the era stored until a decade ago in the United States. But since Trump’s 2016 victory, the class was heavily voting.

Democrats still manage to restore their state, a leading battle with economic elites both inside and abroad. Mammani proved that with a victory in June, and he is stubbornly working to expand the appeal to accessibility in the general election – the victorious approval of the trade unions that supported former Governor Andrew Kuom in the main. But it would be easier if Jeffris and Sumer looked around and acknowledged that voters were agitated by democratic nominees that perceive real economic populism rather than the priorities of the donor class.