General Z Rebellion in the country illustrates both promise and protest restrictions on the Internet
September 8 in Kathmandu, Nepal, September 8
(Sunil Pradhan / Anadolu via Getty Images)
There is something big in the remote Nepal – the first revolution not only feeds on network technology, but also in many ways. In the weekly ignition of fury, young participants of the action belonging to the movement, simply “Gen Z” burned the parliament, the Supreme Court building, the headquarters of international business and houses of unpredictable politicians, some of which were disgusting and beaten by mafia. Communist Prime Minister Brahmin K.P. Sharma Oli resigned, and the protest leaders went into discussions with the army who historically responded to the monarchy to create a new government. On September 15, a week after the riots began, which took at least 72 lives, mostly participants of the rally were killed by the police, the dead were marked as “The gene from the martyrs“To date, the Prime Minister in the country is headed by the first Prime Minister of the country dried Zavari, the former Justice of the Supreme Court and the anti -corruption crop that is not connected with any party.
“Nepal Parliament is now a disorder,” the chat app, popular with young gamers, 23-year-old online content creator, Catmand, Sid Himir, detach The New York Times. The comment was characteristic of the captured international press lighting. You may be forgiven when it launches your BS detector in Silicon Valley. However, it was strange that it was not a hyperbalak kark defeated four other short-term candidates for a chat with 16,000 members organized by a Nepal Non-Governmental Organization (NGOs), which is involved in the talks with the army leaders. Although Internet technology has played a key role in recent revolutions during the Arab Spring, as well as the so-called color revolution-fascimil, which is conducted in the Internet chat, is something new.
The initial reports made the Gen Z uprising as a response to the Dragons’ ban on social media and internet messages. But under this spark, more traditional grievances about the inequality of wealth, corruption and representation are laid. “What this group requires is the end of corruption, with good management and economic equality,” the witches said after the oath. “We have to work with Gen Z thinking.” Exactly what that means, especially in the Nepalese context, remains foggy. Obviously, no generation has a single policy. The fact that the press refused to ask is who this unclear new thinking leaves behind.
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The last and rather wonderful revolution of Nepal emphasizes how deeply the Internet has become the main controls for the management of not only the wealthy countries, but also in some of the poorest. It is also an instructive example of how to possess Internet control can become a double -sided class for the management class. In dominant economies, such as the United States and China, investors in the public and private sectors pour hundreds of billions of dollars into artificial intelligence, even outsourcing military solutions aimed at network computers that do not account for anyone. AI is a summit of the computerized manager in wealthy countries, not only serves as a tool for highlighting work and intelligentsia, but also a mechanism of automated social control. Parliament in Nepal may suggest that the counter -program showing that the technology still allows you to change from below.
The chat pseudo -parliamentary disorder is currently closed for new members. It was organized by a NGO called Hami Nepal, or we are Nepal, founded after the devastating earthquake in 2015 by Sudan Gurung, a 38-year-old DJ and a nightclub owner who lost the child in this catastrophe. Hammi Nepal used social media, including Instagram and YouTube, to distribute demonstration routes and advice on security and protesters, such as wearing school uniforms to look more sympathetic. Despite the key to transparency, the NGO site does not list its sponsors. In 2021, Gurung honored the donors of the business institution, including Infinity Holdings and Shankar Group, both of which refused to participate in the protests of Gen Z. In a joint statement, they returned from Gurung’s policies, stated that their contribution to Hami Nepal was restricted by pandemic relief and complained. arson “, which hindered tourism. Hamm Nepal says he does not accept donations for his political activity.
In addition to the critical role played by US technology companies, there is no proposal for a foreign hand in this revolution, which seems to be lacking a long -term strategy. Indeed, almost immediately after the appointment of the Gen Z Movement, led by Gurung, called for another new prime minister, registering her dissatisfaction with her office. “When we return to the street, no one will be able to stop us. We break them from where we put them,” Gurung boasted. Prior to the appointment of the withers, other factions in their disorder network were reportedly accused of Gurung of executing as a goalkeeper of discussing with military leaders.
Mechanically the parliament of disorders works like any other internet -chat, which, say, with a tireless argument among virtual strangers who control moderators who can be anonymous. “People studied as they walked,” Regina Sales, a 25-year-old graduate of the law who joined the protest rally, as well as in a chat conversation, detach Al -Jazera. “Many of us did not know what that means to dissolve the parliament or form a temporary government. But we asked questions, received answers from experts and tried to find out it together.” Some in the chat argued for the elevation of the mayor Katmondo Shah, the former rapper, but for Al -Jazera“Hammi Nepal -immorants informed the participants that they could not reach the Shah, who later posted their approval of the Social Media.” Others, branded “infiltrators”, advocated the restoration of the monarchy. Other others are suspected of moderators, which may be justified.
Who made a short list of candidates and set the voting conditions? Who chose the moderators? Who guaranteed that the same people did not use separate voting accounts several times? Who had the powers to ban accounts and on what basis? What exactly happened here?
According to some participants, the relative silence on such fundamental issues shows that the elections held on your own online are “more effective” than the traditional democratic process. It is also difficult to believe that rural Nepali, many of whom are impoverished and speaking in local languages, were also presented on the Internet as urban students and relatively good dissidents living abroad. “I am proud of the children. They have a gut,” my favorite Hong Kong Nepalese Chef, who spoke gently, shared a video protest from the Instagram account when I stopped for lunch. “Someone had to do it.”
The Secretary -General of the Liberal Congress Party, Nepal, Gagan Tapo, complained that the process through which the new government was formed was unconstitutional. The Communist Party of Nepal (the only Marxist-Lenin)-the prime minister-spent party, indicated the same sentiments, calling for the defense of the republic and the achievements of the Maoist Movement, which won the ten-year civil war in 2006. How can it be different? Only thousands of participants in disorder cannot compete for the population of 31 million.
What does not mean that Gen Z lacks legitimate grievances. Limit government in social media 2025 would put digital platforms that people are counting on under Authoritarian control of the government And a difficult life for those who hope for a huge informal nepal economy, which is increasingly working on platforms such as WhatsApp. In the best world, imperceptible mega cards, such as meta, will not be in the middle of each internet conversation and transactions. But neither, necessarily, the government.
The overthrown communist government claimed that the bill on social media talked about regulation, not censorship, but no one bought it – especially since the memes with #Nepobabies and #nepokids were distributed on the eve of the protests, contrasting the lush lifestyles of elite youth. If the fury of the fury on the streets showed something, then the communist leaders, like their predecessors, did not satisfy the public demand for significant improvements.
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According to journalist Adjitakari in his 2014 book, Bullet and Box for Voting: History of the Maoist Revolution NepalThe invariable shame of consistent Nepalese governments has become a non -fulfillment of employment sufficient to cancel the need for people to look for work abroad. When I visited Kathmanda this summer, the most durable image came not from any tourist playground, but at the end of my trip, outside the airport where human humanity was poured out of the gate for planting. In this crowd, the families developed with their young breadwinners, intended over the long period of ministry of the second class in the St. Persian Gulf-Albo, in some cases, as mercenaries in the war of Russia with Ukraine.
The influence of technology was also for me. I was fascinated by Indrive, a popular taxi app, which, unlike the Uber pricing algorithmic model, allows the riders to agree directly with the driver, reaching the price that is acceptable to both. But after reflections, we still rushed over what it was, to my Western wallet, and small changes. Even the application, developed with the best intentions, has no power to solve structural problems of inequality, imprisonment and corruption. Parliament from discord is nothing of this. But the achievement of Gen Z, however, left many nails more optimistic. “This is a moment of political unraveling for Nepalese youth, as well as a moment for Nepalese political parties to change their way,” says journalist Kathmanda and AMIS Raj Marymi. “If this process ends with the end of impunity not only in corruption cases, but also in other aspects of society, and leads to a more responsive and inclusive political class, I would call it success.”
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