As a former president and future president, Donald Trump has praised what is to come 2025 project With another crack at the White House as a roadmap for “exactly what our movement will do.”
Ass the plane A turn from America’s hard right turned passive in the 2024 campaign, Trump made a face. He denied knowing anything about the “ridiculous and abysmal” plans, written in part by his first-term aides and allies.
Now, after being elected the 47th president on Nov. 5, Trump is stocking his second administration with key players in a specific effort he temporarily sidelined. Above all, Trump has touched Russell Vought Again as director of the Office of Management and Budget; As Tom Homan, his former immigration chief “border tsar”; and tough immigration as Stephen Miller deputy head of politics.
The moves have fueled criticism from Democrats, who have warned that Trump’s election gives a hand to the government, which has spent years trying to concentrate power in the Southwest and impose a sharp right-wing shift in US government and society.
Trump and his aides say he won the mandate to renew Washington. But the peculiarities keep only their own.
“President Trump never had anything to do with Project 2025,” Trump spokeswoman Karoline Leavitt said in a statement. “All of President Trumps cabinet nominees and appointees are wholeheartedly committed to President Trump’s agenda, not the agenda of outside groups.”
Here’s what some of Trump’s choices portend for his second term.
As a budget leader, Vought envisions a broad and powerful perch
Director of the Office of Management and Budget, a role Vought held before Trump and requires Senate confirmation, prepares the president’s budget proposal and is generally responsible for setting the administration’s agenda across agencies.
The job has influence, but Vought made it clear as the author of a Project 2025 chapter on presidential authority that he wants the office to have more direct power.
“The director must see his work as the best and most comprehensive approach to the mind of the President,” Vought wrote. The OMB, he wrote, “is the president’s air traffic control system” and should be “involved in every aspect of the White House policy process,” making it “powerful enough to cut through the bureaucracy of agency implementations.”
Trump did not go into such detail when appointing Vought, but implicitly endorsed aggressive action. Vought, the president-elect said, “knows exactly how to dismantle the Deep State” — everything Trump has for the federal bureaucracy — and would help “restore fiscal discipline.”
Speaking on former Trump aide Steve Bannon’s “War Room” podcast in June, Vought relished the potential tension: “We’re not going to save our country without a little confrontation.”
Vought will help Musk and Trump reshape the government’s role and scope
Strategies to further concentrate federal power in the presidency are embedded in Project 2025 and Trump’s campaign proposals. Vought’s approach is particularly striking when combined with Trump’s proposals to dramatically expand the president’s control over federal employees and the government purse strings — ideas the president-elect has conflated with mega-billionaire Elon Musk and venture capitalist Vivek Ramaswamy. Directing the “Department of Government Efficiency”.
During his first term, Trump sought to restructure the federal civil service by reclassifying tens of thousands of federal civil servants — whose jobs are protected by administration changes — as political appointees, making it easier to fire them and replace them with loyalists. Today, only 4,000 of the approximately 2 million employees of the federal government are political appointees. President Joe Biden canceled Trump’s changes. Trump can reinstate them now.
Meanwhile, Musk’s and Ramaswamy’s sweeping Trump “efficiency” mandates could reignite an old and defunct constitutional theory that the president — not Congress — is the real gatekeeper of federal spending. In his “Agenda 47,” Trump endorsed so-called “sequestration,” meaning that when lawmakers pass appropriations bills they only set a spending ceiling, not a floor. The president, the theory goes, can simply decide not to spend money on anything he deems unnecessary.
Vought didn’t venture into kidnapping in his Project 2025 chapter. But, he wrote, “The president should use every tool possible to propose and impose fiscal discipline on the federal government. Anything less would be a colossal failure.”
Trump’s choice sparked an immediate backlash.
“Russ Vought is a far-right ideologue who has tried to break the law, to give President Trump unilateral authority to override Congressional spending decisions (and) to give Trump the ability to summarily fire tens of thousands of officials,” he said. Sen. Patty Murray of Washington, Democrat and outgoing Senate Appropriations Chair.
Reps. Jamie Raskin of Maryland and Melanie Stansbury of New Mexico, the Democratic chairs of the House Oversight and Accountability Committee, said Vought wants to “dismantle an expert federal workforce” to the detriment of Americans who depend on everything from veterans’ health care. Social Security benefits.
“Pain itself is the agenda”, they said.
Homan and Miller reflect on the overlap between Trump and Project 2025 immigration
Trump’s protests about Project 2025 were always overruled they overlap in both agendas. Both want to reimpose Trump-era immigration restrictions. Project 2025 includes a litany of specific proposals for US immigration statutes, executive branch rules and agreements with other countries, such as reducing the number of refugees, work visa recipients and asylum seekers.
Miller is an adviser to Trump and the architect of immigration ideas, including the promise of the largest deportation force in US history. As deputy policy chief, who is not subject to Senate confirmation, Miller would remain in Trump’s West Wing inner circle.
“America is for Americans and Americans alone,” Miller said of Trump Madison Square Garden rally on October 27
America First Legal, Miller’s organization founded as an ideological counterpoint to the American Civil Liberties Union, was listed as an advisory group to Project 2025 until Miller asked to be removed because of negative attention.
Homan, a designated contributor to Project 2025, was the acting director of US Immigration and Customs Enforcement during Trump’s first presidency and played a key role in what became known as the Trump administration. “Family separation policy”.
Predicting Trump 2.0 earlier this year, Homan said, “No one is off the table. If you’re here illegally, you better be looking over your shoulder.”
Project 2025 contributors are planned for CIA and Federal Communications leaders
John Ratcliffe, of Trump choose to lead the CIAHe previously served as one of Trump’s national intelligence directors. It is a Project 2025 collaborator. The document’s chapter on US intelligence was written by Dustin Carmack, Ratcliffe’s former Trump administration chief of staff.
Mirroring the approach of Ratcliffe and Trump, Carmack characterized the intelligence establishment as overly cautious. Ratcliffe, like the chapter attributed to Carmack, is a hawk on China. Throughout the Project 2025 document, Beijing is portrayed as an untrustworthy adversary of the US.
Brendan Carr, the top Republican on the Federal Communications Commission, wrote the FCC chapter of Project 2025 now Trump’s chance to be chairman Carr wrote that the FCC chairman has “significant authority that is not shared” with other FCC members. The FCC has been asked to address “threats to individual freedom posed by corporations abusing dominant market positions,” specifically “Big Tech and its attempts to push diverse political views from the digital public square.”
He called for stricter transparency rules for social media platforms Facebook and YouTube and “empower consumers to choose their own content filters and fact checkers, if any.”
Carr and Ratcliffe would need Senate confirmation for their positions.
